Paulding, jun., Israel Pickens, William Piper, Benja min Pond, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Ebenezer Seaver, Samuel Shaw, John Smilie, George Smith, William Strong, John Taliaferro, Uri Tracy, Robert Whitehill, Wm. Widgery, and Robert Wright

-57.

H. OF R.

appeal to every member who hears me to support my assertion, that no man in the United States, who is industrious, is under the necessity of enlisting for that purpose. Labor is well paid for; those who are obliged to labor for hire are well paid and well fed. They are under no necessity of enlisting to obtain a livelihood, and few of them will do it of choice. I know that men, very worthless at home, have, under military discipline, become excellent soldiers. But these are very few in number, and probably most of them already engaged; and we know they have not filled the ranks of our present Army.

NAYS-Willis Alston, junior, William Anderson, Stevenson Archer, Daniel Avery, John Baker, David Bard, Burwell Bassett, Abijah Bigelow, Elijah Brigham, Langdon Cheves, Martin Chittenden, James Cochran, John Clopton, John Davenport, jun., Roger Davis, John Dawson, William Ely, James Emott, James Fisk, Asa Fitch, Thomas Gholson, Felix Grundy, Philip B. Key, Abner Lacock, Lyman Law, Joseph Lefever, Joseph Lewis, jun., Peter Little, WilThe nations of Europe, with whom we have liam Lowndes, Nathaniel Macon, Archibald McBryde, relations, are otherwise situated. At all times Alexander McKim, Samuel L. Mitchill, Jeremiah Mor- there, they have thousands who find great diffirow, Jonathan O. Moseley, Hugh Nelson, Thomas culty in earning their bread, and who, with their Newton, Joseph Pearson, Timothy Pitkin, jun., Peter families, live on a very scanty and uncertain B. Porter, Elisha R. Potter, Josiah Quincy, William maintenance. But, when war commences, the Reed, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, manufactories and usual channels of commerce William Rodman, Thomas Sammons, John Sevier, are deranged: and, by this means, thousands of Adam Seybert, Daniel Sheffey, Richard Stanford, Phi- men are thrown out of employment, who are lip Stuart, Silas Stow, Lewis B. Sturges, George unfit for any other busines but that small branch Sullivan, Samuel Taggart, Peleg Tallman, George M. of mechanical labor to which they had been acTroup, Charles Turner, jun., Pierre Van Cortlandt, customed. To these, enlistment in the army afjun., Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, David R. Wil-fords a comfortable retreat from starvation. Hapliams, Thomas Wilson, and Richard Winn-66.

Mr. SMILIE moved to add the following words to the end of the first section of the bill, "if in the opinion of the President the public service shall require such appointments to be made."

pily, the United States have no such class of society.

Mr. Speaker, I hope that these observations will not be considered as intended to cool our ardor in procuring redress for the wrongs we have suffered. Mr. FINDLEY-Mr. Speaker, I have voted for They are intended to invigorate our effective exevery amendment that was calculated to lessen ertions-they are intended to prevent a deceptive the nominal amount of the army proposed to be support. No alternative for war is now proposed raised by the bill from the Senate; but I have by any member. I want to engage in war, if it not engaged in debate, nor moved any amend- cannot be avoided, in such a manner as we can ment of my own. I will, however, vote for this support it with honor. I want to bring all our amendment, proposed by my colleague (Mr. SMI- force into action in the manner in which the LIE,) as I have done for others of the same import, people are willing to act. I wish to enlist into not, sir, with a view to lessen the effective force the proposed regular army, all who can be enof the proposed army, but to increase it. The listed into it. I consider the militia as the great effective force of an army depends on the number reserve on the back ground, and a very valuable of fighting men, and not on the number of regi- reserve they are. I wish the bill calling into serments on paper. Officers must and ought to be vice the volunteers, which was laid aside a few paid and otherwise supported agreeably to their days since, passed into a law. I wish that men rank; but they cannot fight our battles without a should also be raised on short enlistments. Every competent number of privates under their com- member who hears me, sir, and who attended to mand. I believe such a number cannot be ob- the progress of the only war in which the United tained by enlistment in the United States in any States, as a nation, were ever engaged, knows the given time we can prescribe. There are not in use of all those different kinds of force. Those the United States twenty-five thousand men, in who conducted us through the Revolution, emaddition to the present establishment, which re-ployed every kind of force which the country quires several thousand to render it complete, who are disposed to enlist as private soldiers, subject to military discipline, or that stand in need of that resort for support.

Mr. Speaker, I am now an old man, and have had much opportunity for observation. The enlistment of soldiers came early under my notice. I have paid attention to its progress, both in Britain and in the United States; and, from observation and experience, I am convinced that the United States contain very few of such people as usually enlist to fill the armies of Europe. We have none that are obliged from necessity to enlist in order to obtain bread. I think that I may

would willingly produce, in the way in which men were willing to act.

Sir, when the war that established our independence commenced, Congress, composed of the most intelligent and respectable patriots, recommended the raising of a number of regiments. I remember well, that to Pennsylvania eighteen were allotted; but after all the exertions that could be made by recruiting officers, aided by every farmer, who, even if he was not a good Whig, encouraged recruiting, that he and his family might be saved from militia service; yet, after all, the regiments were not filled; and to prevent the officers exceeding the due number of

H. OF R.

Additional Military Force.

JANUARY, 1812.

Mr. TROUP observed that, if it were found, some time hence, that 25,000 men were unnecessary, Congress could at once say, that only a certain part should be raised. It had, in his opinion, men, we do not want one man. Can the gentleman from Pennsylvania doubt that 5.000 men will be wanted for the defence of New Orleans? And is it not stated by the Secretary of War, that 12,000 men will be wanted for the fortifications on our seaboard, exclusive of the aid to be derived from the militia, which takes 17,000 out of the 25,000 men? And is there a man, who has a knowledge of military affairs, who would be willing to sit down before the Gibraltar of America, Quebec, with less than 20,000 men? In his mind, however, the capture of Halifax would be more important than Quebec, as from thence may be expected the chief attacks upon our commerce; but Halifax could not be taken until Quebec was first secured. He could see no reason for adopting the amendment.

privates, Government were obliged to turn two regiments are enlisted. The whole subject will regiments into one, and to give an honorable dis- be before Congress during the session; and, probmissal to the disarranged officers. This is a cir-ably, before the men for the six regiments are cumstance too well known to men of that age to raised, Congress will have no difficulty in saying be dwelt on now. I was one of the three county whether or not the remaining regiments shall be commissioners who taxed the property to raise raised. thirty pounds each, for a prescribed number of recruits, in addition to their public emoluments; and, even after all this the State line of the Army was not completed; but we had to resort to short enlistments and militia service. When the In-been correctly said, that, if we do not want 25,000 dian war commenced under the present Government, and the army commanded by General Wayne was raised, with all the industry that could be used, the ranks of that army, during the five campaigns, were but about three hundred more than half filled at the highest. By resignations, &c., vacancies were numerous, and the President never filled them by new appointments till a session of Congress had intervened. On speaking to him about filling up some vacancies, he answered by asking me, with a smile, whether I did not think there were officers enough to command all the men we had in our ranks? An additional reason, however, was assigned for permitting a session of Congress to pass, viz: the probability that Congress would unite some regiments, and derange the state of the officers, as had been done in the former war. I believe the President follows the same method at present. The next army that was attempted to be raised was during the hostilities with France. I then gave my opinion, not only on the floor, but to the Secretary of War, that the ranks could not be filled, and that it would be an army of officers It proved to be so; as soon as a certain description of people about towns and cities were enlisted, recruiting stopped.

During the war conducted by General Wayne, recourse was necessarily had to short enlistments and militia service, where a recruit could not be procured for the regular Army. I have observed full companies of rangers for eight or ten months raised in a few days. Indeed, I never saw difficulty, or much delay, in raising such troops.

Gentlemen argue for the greatest number of regiments, from the necessity of being able to make a strong impression to secure the object. I am equally impressed with that necessity; but it is not an army on paper that will make that impression; and I am convinced, by observation and experience, that the army proposed by the Senate will long be such. I am for employing soldiers in every manner in which they are willing to serve. I am, sir, in favor of employing as many regulars as can possibly be procured, aided by every other description of troops that are suited to circumstances and to the state of the country.

Mr. McKIM said, it was peculiarly the province of Congress to raise armies. Why, then, throw the responsibility upon the President, who, by an honest error of opinion, might use the power improperly? Why should Congress shrink from this responsibility? It is for us, said he, to do the whole of the business, and upon us the whole responsibility ought to lie. For these reasons, he was opposed to the amendment.

Mr. CALHOUN voted in favor of the amendment of the gentleman from Georgia, though he was in favor of raising the whole 25,000 men, because he wished to carry the present measure by as large a vote as possible. He believed nothing but the most energetic course would answer any purpose. The news of the steps already taken have, no doubt, passed over the Atlantic. The country against whom we are taking measures, may have taken her stand. Unanimity and decision in our Councils alone can save the country. He believed the public sentiment was with Congress; but if gentlemen will not, in any instance, sacrifice their opinions, but pertinaciously insist upon amendment after amendment to measures brought forward for our defence, we might be forced into war before we are prepared for it. We ought either to submit, or make an energetic defence. He perceived that the public sentiment began already to doubt whether Congress was really in earnest, from the tardiness of their movements. He should vote against the proposed amendment in order to prevent farther delay.

Mr. ALSTON said he should vote against the amendment, not from any fear that the President would abuse the power proposed to be placed in Mr. BIBB said, if he understood this bill, it did him, but because he was against making any not contemplate to raise a number of men suffimore amendments to the bill which were not ma- cient, in case of war. The amendment introterial. He thought there were sufficient restric-duced by the Speaker, provided only for the raistions in the bill already. Some time will elapse ing of six regiments in the first instance. The before the three-fourths of the men for the six proposed amendment goes no farther, as it says,

the officers of the seven remaining regiments shall not be appointed, except they shall be found necessary. And nothing but the adjustment of our differences with Great Britain could prevent this necessity. But hope is still entertained by some, that these difficulties may still be accommodated. He thought the House ought to agree to the prop osition, which could do no possible injury. It was introduced in the spirit of compromise to meet the views of certain gentlemen, and he should vote for it.

The question was taken by yeas and nays, and negatived-68 to 55. The votes were the same as on the last question, except in two or three instances.

No other amendment being proposed to the bill, the question was stated from the Chair, that the amendments be engrossed, and, together with the bill, be read the third time; and being taken, it passed in the affirmative-yeas 90, nays 35, as follows:

FRIDAY, January 3.

H. OF R.

Mr. LACOCK presented a petition of Sarah Fowler, of Pennsylvania, widow and executrix of the late Brigadier General Alexander Fowler, deceased, praying a grant of ten thousand acres of land due to her late husband in virtue of a proclamation of the King of Great Britain, of the year 1763.-Referred to the Committee of Claims.

Mr. LEWIS presented a petition of Prince Williams, free man of color, praying a support, in consideration of bodily injuries sustained by a fall from the top of the Capitol in the City of Washington, whilst in the employ of the public as a laborer.-Referred to a select committee. Mr. LEWIS, Mr. KEY, and Mr. MAXWELL, were appointed the committee.

Mr. RHEA, from the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, to whom was referred the petitions of several religious societies in the western parts of Pennsylvania, complaining of the practice of travelling with the mail, and opening it at the post offices on the Sabbath, reported that, however desirable the regulations for which they pray may be, that, at this particular crisis of our affairs, it is inexpedient to make any alterations in this respect. The report was concurred with.

Mr. NEWTON, from the Committee on Commerce and Manufactures, reported a bill to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury, under the authority of the President of the United States, to purchase from Winslow Lewis his patent-right to a new method of lighting light-houses, and for

other

purposes.

YEAS-Willis Alston, jun., William Anderson, Stevenson Archer, Daniel Avery, Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, Josiah Bartlett, Burwell Bassett, Abijah Bigelow, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Harmanus Bleecker, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, William Crawford, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph, Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, James Emott, William Findley, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Thomas R. Gold, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, Joseph Kent, William R. King, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livingston, William Lowndes, Aaron Lyle, George C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Alexander McKim, Arunah Metcalf, Samuel L. Mitchill, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Anthony New, Thomas Newton, Mr. BACON moved that the Committee of the Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jun., Israel Pick-Whole, to whom was referred the report on the ens, William Piper, Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, Josiah Quincy, William Reed, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Thomas Sammons, Ebenezer Seaver, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, George Smith, William Strong, George Sullivan, Peleg Tallman, John Talia-corrected.-Agreed to. ferro, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, junior, Pierre Van Cortlandt, junior, David R. Williams, William Widgery, Richard Winn, and Robert Wright.

[Mr. N. stated that, by this new method, a light-house which now consumes 1,400 gallons of oil, in a certain period, would be supplied by 400 only.] The bill was twice read, and committed.

petitions of the collectors of the several ports, might be discharged from the further consideration of it, that it might be recommitted to the Committee of Ways and Means, in order to have some errors, which had escaped the committee,

Mr. RHEA said, that persons entitled to pensions had found great difficulty in complying with the requisitions of the law as it now stood. He wished to simplify the business, and, for that after some observations from different members, purpose, offered to the House a resolution which,

NAYS-John Baker, Abijah Bigelow, Adam Boyd, James Breckenridge, Elijah Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, John Davenport, jun., William Ely, Asa Fitch, Jacob Hufty, Richard Jack-and receiving an amendment from Mr. GHOLSON, son, jun., Philip B. Key, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, the Chairman of the Committee of Claims, was jun., Nathaniel Macon, Archibald McBryde, Jonathan agreed to, and referred to that committee. O. Moseley, Thomas Newbold, Joseph Pearson, Timothy Pitkin, jun., Elisha R. Potter, John Randolph, William Rodman, Daniel Sheffey, John Smilie, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, Silas Stow, Lewis B. Sturges, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, and Thomas Wilson. The bill was then ordered to be read the third time to-morrow; and on motion, the House adjourned.

Mr. JENNINGS offered a resolution calling upon the President of the United States for information respecting the appointment of certain Indian agents, &c., in the Indiana and Illinois Territories; but some objection being made to it, on the ground of a similar resolution having already been entered into, it was ordered to lie upon the table.

Mr. PORTER, the Chairman of the Committee

of Foreign Relations, said that, it having been discovered that there were some parts of the bill for raising a volunteer corps, which required correction, and which could be better done by the committee who reported it than in Committee of the Whole, he would move to discharge the Committee of the Whole from the further consideration of the bill, in order to recommit it.

This motion was objected to by Mr. SMILIE, a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, who said that no meeting of the committee had been had, which he thought ought to have taken place before a motion of this kind was made. He had heard nothing of these corrections before, and did not understand the management which appeared to attend this business..

The SPEAKER objected to the term manage ment, as applied to any committee of that House. Mr. SMILIE explained, and, after some observations from other members, the motion to discharge the Committee of the Whole was agreed to, and the bill recommitted.

ADDITIONAL MILITARY FORCE.

The order of the day being called for, the bill for raising an additional force was taken up, and read the third time; and the question being put, "Shall the bill pass its third reading?

JANUARY, 1812.

force of the country. If such had been the explicit determination of a majority, much as 1 deprecate the evils which must inevitably attend a state of war, I should have cordially united with them in calling forth our energies and providing the means calculated to terminate it speedily and successfully. I should have done so under the guidance of the same motives which actuate me in the opposition which I make to the bill on your table. Viewing war as attended with every evil which ambition, corruption, and the indulgence of the malignant passions can give birth to, I should have inclined to lend my efforts to terminate its existence as soon as an honorable peace could be secured-that the body politic might not be wholly corrupted by protracting the disease, but restored to its healthful state with as little delay as possible. It has, however, pleased those who direct the affairs of this nation in this House to pursue a different course. Instead of designating the object for the attainment of which the force | provided by the bill under consideration is to be employed, so far as it respects any declaration of this House, that is still unascertained; so that we are reduced to the necessity of opposing the grant of the means, because we are opposed to the subject to which they are probably to be applied. Through this bill, we must perceive the ulterior intention of the majority; which, as avowed, is nothing more or less than an offensive war against Great Britain.

Mr. SHEFFEY said: Mr. Speaker, it was not my intention to have disturbed the tranquillity with which this measure has hitherto progressed On a question of so much moment to the counthrough the House; but considering the deep in-try, whose peace and happiness is so directly interest which this country has at stake, and which volved, I had expected that a full, systematic, is so intimately connected with the present ques- and statesman-like development would have been tion, I have thought it my duty to state the rea- made by some friend of this measure; not only sons which influence my vote. I feel the greater of the causes of complaint which we have against solicitude to do so, because, as will have been per- Great Britain, and the injuries which we have ceived in the several stages of the bill under con- received at her hands, but of the objects of the sideration, I differ essentially with a great ma- war about to be undertaken, and the means and jority of the representatives of the people of the probabilities of securing them. There is a selfUnited States. They suppose that this course is evident distinction between the causes and the indispensable to maintain the rights and honor of objects of war. The one may exist without the country, and that the means which they are the other. And there may be both good causes about to provide by this bill are calculated to at- and substantial objects, and yet it would be the tain the ends in view; while I conceive their grossest folly to precipitate the nation into a war, projects pregnant with every mischief-with the unless, on full reflection, aided by all the wisdom ruin of our liberties. In the expression of this and experience we could collect, there appeared opinion, let me not be understood as disposed in a fair prospect, that, after the waste of our blood any degree to impeach the purity of their mo- and treasure, we could either realize the object tives. I have no doubt that every member acts in controversy, or obtain some substantial equiv under the high sense of duty which he owes to alent. We had therefore right to expect-to have his country, and which the occasion is particularly had placed before us, a view of this subject, calcalculated to inspire. While I make this sincere culated to convince us that we were not foregoand unsophisticated declaration, I hope à corres-ing the blessing of peace without a rational obpondent indulgence and liberality will be ex-ject, or without the most distant prospect of mak- tended to me.

I had hoped, if it was seriously intended to change the state of this nation, and to barter the blessings of peace, which we have enjoyed for so many years, for the evils and calamities of war, that the question would have been propounded to us in a direct and unequivocal shape; that we should have been called upon to determine whether the injuries of which we justly complain, are to be redressed by the employment of the physical

ing the war anything but a curse to this nation. But, instead of such a course-which the occasion seemed naturally to require, if our reason is to have any share in the decision-nothing has been presented to us but highly-colored statements of the injustice which has been measured out to us by Great Britain. The many injuries which we have received at her hands have been detailed and repeated by almost every one who has spoken in favor of this bill; but there they have stopped.