The upper country will always maintain it. Be sides, if any foreign nation were to attempt to take it, they would repent of it, for the country would prove a grave to them. We have, unforfunately, had cause to repent of having kept a body of troops there. The mortality among them was distressing to humanity. As to the people of Cuba, he did not believe they had any more intention to injure us, than we them. He saw no necessity, therefore, for vessels of war to guard against danger from that quarter. If we could trade with each other, it would be very well. We are told, said he, that we have no force to resist a seventy-four gunship. And would the frigates proposed to be built be able to do it? Certainly not. If we wish to make a great effort, let us make an appropriation for three or four large ships, equal to any in the British service, so as to be able to match them; but, at present, he was not for voting any money for this purpose. H. OF R. able to build these frigates in several years, or we must build of materials not well seasoned, and which must insure their speedy decay. What should we think of a man who, in erecting an expensive and elegant house, should employ green sills, sleepers, and corner posts, but be very particular in selecting timber of the first quality for all the rest of the building? Sir, he would find to his cost, as we in keeping up our old frigates have found to ours, that the expense of repairs would be so enormous as to create doubts whether it would not be better to build a new house than attempt to repair the old hulk. Then admitting the information given us by the chairmain has been derived from sources worthy of credit, I certainly would not agree to vote in favor of this section and saddle upon the nation a parcel of ships patched up of seasoned and unseasoned timber. But is it not extremely probable that this information has been derived from Gentlemen tell us, said Mr. R., because our rev- interested sources; that is, from persons who, enue is drawn from commerce, a navy ought to having ship-timber on hand, are likely, under the be built to protect commerce. It is true that the present aspect of affairs, to find it more their inrevenue is collected from commerce; but who terest to sell the timber to the public than employ pays the tax? The people, to be sure. If we it in building vessels for their own use? From could get a revenue that was not paid by the peo- the very nature of it, I cannot but believe this to' ple at large, but by the merchants alone, then be the case; for, as the Government had not the there would be some ground for calling upon the timber of their own, of whom would they have people to assist in protecting their commerce. But inquired to know whether they could be supplied as long as the people are to pay the taxes, it mat- with the timber of suitable quality? Certainly of ters not much from what sources they are drawn. the large ship-builders, who, from the consideraMr. BLACKLEDGE said: I had no intention of tions I have just mentioned, would no doubt be taking up the time of the Committee a single mo- induced to wish to make a sale of their timber, ment with any remarks of mine upon the subject rather than build it into vessels for their own acunder consideration when I entered the House count. We are informed by the report which this morning. It has already been discussed with accompanies the bill that it will cost about one an ability which does honor to the gentlemen million seven hundred thousand dollars to build who have spoken on both sides, and my mind and completely fit ten frigates averaging thirtywas made up to vote in favor of every section of eight guns; but of this sum we are told it is only the bill except the one now under consideration. proposed to appropriate one million of dollars at My objection to this section does not arise from this time, and that it will be time enough at the an aversion to increasing our Naval Establish- end of some future session to appropriate the ment, but from a conviction, arising from all the other seven hundred thousand dollars. From views I have been able to take of the subject, that the same report we learn that the whole cost of a our resources can be applied to increase it in a seventy-four gunship will be about three hundred much better way. Where, sir, is the timber of and thirty-three thousand dollars, and that we which it is contemplated to build these ten frig-have the timber and cannon on hand for four at ates? The report which accompanied the bill does not inform us, and the very able chairman of the committee who made the report has this day told us, (what from the silence of the report on this subject I had before inferred,) that we have not the timber for them on band, but that from sources deemed worthy of credit he has understood that timber for ten frigates is procurable sufficiently seasoned, and of quality that will answer very well, except some of the largest pieces necessary for constructing such ships.What is the name or description of these larger pieces of timber the worthy chairman has not informed us, but from the little knowledge I have of ship-building cannot be much at a loss in determining that they must be the sterns, sternposts, keels, keelsons, and beams. These it seems we neither have on hand, nor can procure from private ship-yards; of course we shall either not be least. The whole cost of four seventy fours then, according to the report, would be one million three hundred and thirty-two thousand (1,332,000) dollars, but deducting the cost of the timber and cannon already on hand, which cannot be less than one hundred and thirty-two thousand dollars, it appears that we can by an appropiation of one million two hundred thousand dollars be furnished with four ships of seventy-four guns in course of the present year; or if it should not be wished to finish them, but only to advance towards completing them in the proportion which is contemplated for the frigates, it will then require but about seven hundred and eighty-three thousand five hundred dollars for the four seventyfours in the course of the present year; in fact it would not require so large a sum, as we have the timber already by us. Besides, when built, ad H. OF R. Naval Establishment. JANUARY, 1812. tom or be captured. Of the bravery, skill, and enterprise of our seamen, no man can doubt. Give them ships any way equal to their enemy, and my life upon it we never lose one but at a cost to the enemy which shall make him repent the contest. For the seventy-fours we have the timber ready, of the finest quality, and in the best possible state of preparation; it will cost less to build them and less to keep them in service, and when built, I have no hesitation in declaring it as my firm belief, that they will produce a much more powerful effect upon the enemy than the frigates. I shall therefore vote against this section, but shall do it under a hope of having a section substituted, authorizing the build mitting the frigates to average but thirty-six Our experience for years past proves that we have nothing to hope for from negotiation. It proves more, for it shows that a failure to resent by war one invasion of our rights has led to another; that a failure to resent by war an invasion of our rights by one of the belligerents has served as a pretext for a similar or a more flagrant violation by the other. Our love of peace then must either give way to necessity, or chain us in The objects of our preparations for war by submission at the feet of our insolent oppressors. land are to garrison our forts, and wrest from the Great Britain, by her Orders in Council, forbids enemy his Canadian possessions, and it is be- our carrying the produce of our soil to any mar lieved by all that they are commensurate to the ket from whence her products are excludedend, and that in the course of the first year we thus, in fact, assuming and exercising the right shall at least be able to get possession of Upper to regulate our commerce as before our RevoluCanada, and all that part of the country furnish- tion. By her practice of impressment, she has ing either timber or provisions for exportation, already forced into service thousands of our citiTo this purpose I agree that it is proper to direct zens, and compelled them to fight her battles. the energies of the nation at the outset. But these What have we gained, or what has she lost by provinces, except for the purpose of some sup- the blood and treasure expended by our ancestors plies for her West India Islands and her fleets in in the glorious struggle which achieved our inour seas, it is known are not of much importance dependence, if we submit to the pretensions now to her. Admit, then, that we have taken them, all set up by the very nation from whom they obwe have gained worth speaking of is in the addi-tained it? Will it be any consolation to our seational expense and trouble we shall have thrown upon our enemy in supplying her blockading squadrons. This is surely an important point, but by no means sufficiently so, I fear, to bring her to a sense of justice towards us if we there stop. An increase of our Naval Establishment is also another essential link in our chain of preparations. That increase should be made in the way most likely to endanger the enemy's commerce and squadrons in our seas. These squadrons we know will consist not of frigates alone, but of ships-of-the-line to come in aid of their frigates in the case of need. They know the gallant commanders of our frigates will never surrender them to ships of equal force, and, therefore, as in the case of the dastardly attack of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake, they will take care to have ships-of-the-line to aid their quick sailing frigates. We must do the same, or our frigates when built will be of but little use, for though I do not believe that either a Decatur or a Rodgers would surrender their frigates to any seventy-four in the British navy, as long as they could be kept afloat, yet no man acquainted with the relative force of the two ships can hesitate in declaring that the frigates must ultimately go to the bot faring brethren to tell them that they enjoy the glorious privilege of electing men to represent them and guard their interests in the great councils of the nation, when they see that their Representatives suffer them to be enslaved by any foreign Power, and their families thrown into distress and upon the bounty of their friends or the parish? Will it be any consolation to the agriculturist or merchant to know that he also enjoys the privilege of sending men to represent him here, when they see that these Representatives have surrendered to any nation whatever the right of directing to what ports or places, and under what conditions, the products of our soil shall be carried for a market? It certainly cannot. They will see at once that they had better rid themselves of the expense of their own Government, and rely entirely upon some Government for a protection of their rights. Rather than submit to pretensions so degrading to our national honor, and which, if submitted to, must lead to consequences so destructive both to the agricultural and commercial interests of the nation, I do not hesitate to prefer war; and am happy to find from the vast majority in favor of the measures heretofore under discussion pre JANUARY, 1812. Naval Establishment. H. OF R. paratory for the contest, that so large a portion as I recollect, consisted of forty-five or forty-six of this House are of the same opinion. The only, sail in the whole, of which ten to fifteen were or, at least, by far the greatest, cause of regret ships-of-the-line, about as many frigates, and the with me is, that there should be one among us balance smaller vessels of various descriptions. opposed to the measure. To those who are op- What reason can we have to suppose that with posed to every preparation for war from a belief such a navy as this, in the neighborhood of her that in a victory over Great Britain they see our valuable West India colonies, we should not have own downfall through the augmented power of shared the same fate? The Danes had commither enemy, the Emperor of France, I have noth-ted no offence. A solemn Treaty of Amity, Coming to say further, than that if I agreed with them merce, and Navigation, existed between them in opinion, I would at once submit a proposition and the English. But it was suspected that they to join Great Britain in the struggle. I should were under French influence, and that their do this as a more honorable course than that of navy was about to be thrown into the scale suffering her to force our men and our money against them. And pray have not half our pubinto her service in the way she is now doing lic papers been charging our Administration for through her Orders in Council and practice of years with being under French influence; nay, impressment. To those who are opposed to war have not even members of this House, as well as because we have not already a navy "large of the other branch of the Legislature, publicly enough to enable us to hold the balance between made the same charge? As like causes produce the two great contending Powers of Europe," and like effects, I can see no good reason for believing who assert, as an honorable gentleman from Con- we should not have shared the same fate with necticut (Mr. Law) did yesterday, (who I am the Danes. It is certainly true, that since Mr. sorry to see is not now in his place,) "that by Jefferson came into power, nothing has been done neglecting our navy we had left ourselves in a to increase the naval strength of the nation fursituation not to be able to enforce our rights," I ther than to build a number of gunboats for the will only reply by reminding them that our an-defence and protection of our ports and harbors; cestors with little more than one-third of our but it is equally true that neither he nor his sucpopulation, and not the twentieth part of our cessor have ever either recommended or signed advantages and resources, compelled the same an act for the reduction of the Navy. The act nation to do us justice, and acknowledge our in- authorizing the sale of all the ships of war which dependence, thirty years ago. Why, then, should we had in 1798 and 1799, except twelve or thir! we now despond? I really can see no good cause teen of the frigates, was signed by Mr. Adams for despondence, but from dissensions among before he went out of office; and there can be no ourselves. United, we are capable of resisting doubt he acted wisely in so doing; he knew best and of enforcing our rights against the combined the materials of which they had been built, and Powers of the earth. Divided, we may fall an was of course the best judge of the propriety of easy prey to any petty Power disposed to join selling or retaining them. one party in its attempts to overcome the other. And I cannot but believe that it is to the unhappy party spirit at present, and for years past, prevailing among us, that we owe the attempt of Great Britain again to place us in the most abject state of colonization. Surely, sir, when the gentleman from Connecticut hazarded the opinion, that "if our Naval Establishment had been 'fostered from its foundation twelve or fifteen years ago we should now have had a navy sufficiently formidable to have held the balance 'between France and England," he had forgotten the recent fate of Copenhagen; he could not have recollected the character of the English nation, as evinced in her history for at least a century past. She believes that not only the safety of her colonies abroad, but that her very existence as an independent nation depends upon her naval superiority. The very instant she has discovered any of her neighbors likely to rival her in this point, she has made war upon them. Upon what good ground then does the gentleman found his opinion that we should have been suffered to raise a naval force sufficiently formidable to have held the balance between these two great rival Powers? A naval force sufficiently large to have answered this purpose, must have been at least equal to that of the Danes at the time they were Copenhagened; which, as well From the commencement of Mr. Jefferson's Administration, the navy has been kept at about the rate it stood at when he came into office. The danger to be apprehended from the piratical States of Barbary, I have always believed, rendered it necessary to keep one of about this size. Experience in the war with Tripoli has shown that for these purposes it was not only necessary but large enough. To be able to judge whether the Republican Administrations have acted wisely in not enlarging our Naval Establishment to such a size as would, in the language of the gentleman from Connecticut, have enabled us to hold the balance between the two great contending Powers of Europe, we should not forget that the best interests of our country required that its rulers should so shape their measures as, if possible, to keep us at peace with all the world, particularly with these great and powerful nations. All experience proves that this was not to be effected with Great Britain by making additions to our Naval Establishment, calculated to excite her jealousy. This, therefore, has been avoided; and a strict and impartial neutrality observed towards both the belligerents. The rapidity with which the nation advanced to wealth, under such a course of measures, and the length of time we were permitted to reap the rich harvest of our neutrality without molestation, furnish the fullest evidence H. OF R. Naval Establishment. JANUARY, 1812. And of their wisdom. Unfortunately for us, however, My reasons for being opposed to this section our national and commercial prosperity have at and for preferring four seventy-fours, to the ten length excited that jealousy, which an attempt frigates which it proposes to build, I have already to create a formidable navy would long since assigned, and will not weary the patience of the have done, and our wretched divisions among Committee with repeating. But I hope they will ourselves have emboldened Great Britain to at- pardon me for not taking my seat till I have extempt to check them, by a course of oppression pressed the gratification I feel at discovering, that, and vexatious restrictions, which not even one of by a section of this bill, our gunboats are proher colonies would submit to if they had it in posed to be attached to our land fortifications. their power to resist, and which if we submit to As a part of our naval force, I have never conreduce us once more to the degraded state of her sidered them worth retaining, but as an engine colonies. Having exhausted the patience of all for the protection of our ports and harbors, sounds parties in fruitless attempts to bring her to a and bays, for wielding against the predatory fue sense of justice by remonstrance, we seen at length along our coasts the heaviest species of artillery, determined to assert our rights by war. The I have believed them to be invaluable. troops necessary to carry on that war with vigor much as the Administration has been abused for have been authorized to be raised by a vast ma- building so many of them, by those who always jority of this House. The question, when that remember to forget that they were ordered to be measure was under consideration, was not whe-built at the moment we were believed to be on ther large standing armies ought to be raised and the very eve of war, in consequence of the attack kept up, but whether the war into which we are upon the Chesapeake; I will venture to proabout to enter could be carried on prosperously nounce that, go to war when we may with Britain, without such an army. The bill now under con- it will be found that we have not near as many sideration proposes an increase of our Naval Es- as we shall need. Our whole coast, sounds, bays, tablishment, and the question ought not to be de- and rivers, abound with men who know better cided by theoretic priuciples of the policy or im- how to manage such vessels than the best manpolicy of large naval establishments. The true of-war's man. Attached to our fortifications, to question, according to my apprehension, is, will our ports and harbors, I have strong hopes that not an increase of our Naval Establishment be- ways will be devised to man and fight them, or a come necessary in the course of the war? For great part of them, with equal effect and on terms one, I am fully persuaded, that an increase will more economical than has been possible while be found to be absolutely necessary, and therefore, manning them with seamen equally suitable for though opposed to this section, shall use my best our frigates as for gunboats. exertions to increase it in a way which I deem more advantageous. THURSDAY, January 23. sire the concurrence of this House. On motion of Mr. QUINCY, the bill and amendments were committed to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures. We never shall be permitted by Britain to raise a formidable navy, but in a time of war. A message from the Senate informed the House Of our ability to do it even during war, no one that the Senate have passed the bill "to empower acquainted with the resources of the country, the Secretary of the Treasury to decide on the with the number and character of our seamen, case of the ship Eliza Ann, belonging to Ezekiel can for a moment doubt. By evincing a deter-Hubbell," with amendments, in which they demined resolution to bring these resources into action, at a time when almost every other Power of the world is making similar exertions, we shall do more towards bringing her Government to a sense of justice towards us, and rendering an Mr. MACON laid before the House an act of the actual declaration of war unnecessary, than we Legislature of the State of North Carolina, ratishould do by raising, arming and equipping half fying and confirming an amendment proposed by a million of men to march against her neighbor-Congress to the Constitution of the United States ing continental colonies. We ask for nothing but relative to titles of nobility or honor, presents, sheer justice; we have never furnished any evi-pensions, offices, or emoluments, from any foreign dence of a disposition to rival her power on the ocean. Will she then run the risk of adding one hundred and twenty thousand hardy enterprising seamen to the list of her enemies, these too in the neighborhood of her richest colonies, and in view of her most valuable commerce, rather than do us justice, and permit us to go in our own pursuits of peaceful industry? Unquestionably she will not, unless she hopes to be able by her blockading squadrons to keep them penned in our ports, as she has done those of her European enemies, till from the want of employment they shall lose their skill and enterprise. If this be her object, and I verily believe it is, I for one am resolved to defeat her intentions. Power. On motion of Mr. POINDEXTER, the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures were discharged from the several petitions referred to them at the present session, concerning the Natchez hospital; and they were referred to a select committee. Messrs. POINDEXTER, MITCHILL, SEYBERT, ORMSBY, and GRUNDY, were appointed the committee. Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS had understood that it was contemplated, in case the whole of the present Navy shall be ordered to be equipped and commissioned, to be necessary to appoint additional officers. In order, if such a proposition shall be made, to be able to meet it, he wished to know what is the number at present employed. For this purpose he proposed the following resolution, which was agreed to: Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to lay before this House a statement of the names, rank, pay, and rations, of the commissioned officers and midshipmen belonging to the Navy of the United States. STATEMENT OF EXPORTS. The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a statement of goods, wares, and merchandise, exported from the United States during one year prior to the first day of October, 1811. The letter is as follows: TREASURY DEPARTMENT, January 21, 1812. SIB: I have the honor to transmit herewith a statement of goods, wares, and merchandise, exported from the United States, during one year, prior to the first day of October, 1811, and amounting to $61,316,833. The goods, wares, and merchandise of domestic growth or manufacture, included in this statement, are estimated at And those of foreign growth or manufacture, at Produce of agriculture $45,294,043 16,022,790 61,316,833 H. OF R. NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT. The House again resolved into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill concerning the Navy; when, after some debate, the question was taken on filling the blank for the number of additional frigates proposed to be built, with the number "ten," which was negatived by a large majority. Mr. WRIGHT then moved to fill the blank with "six." This motion was negatived-thirty votes only being in favor of it. The question was next successively taken on filling the blank with "five," "four," and "three," and negatived-52 to 43, 51 to 44, and 49 to 45. Mr. RHEA said, as the gentleman (Mr. WRIGHT) had informed the Committee he had spoken for his own gratification, Mr. R. hoped he might be allowed also to gratify himself. And he would tell that gentleman that he was not gratified to hear reflections cast upon this House, as not disposed to protect commerce. For what is the war in which we are about to engage? Is it not a war arising altogether from commercial difficulties? But because a majority cannot be gotten to consent to build new frigates of unseasoned timber, they are to be charged with being unwilling to protect commerce, though they have expended millions of dollars in our present Navy, in gunboats, fortifications, &c. and are, at length, about to go to war for commerce! The articles of domestic growth or manufacture may established the principle, that free ships should It had always been his wish, Mr. R. said, to see be arranged under the following heads, viz: Produce of the sea $1,413,000 make free goods. But why build more frigates? Produce of the forest. 5,286,000 If a seventy-four gun ship were to come on the 35,556,000 coast, the frigates would have to shelter them-selves from it under the batteries. Let gentlemen 2,376,000 663,000 come forward and build a ship of 130 or 150 guns, which would bear down anything which could be brought against us, and he would support it; but he was tired of building frigates, they were little better than gunboats. Uncertain 45,291,000 And they were exported to the following countries, viz: Sweden, and Denmark To the dominions of Great Britain To the dominions of Spain and Portugal Mr. R. understood that France had it now in $2,055,833 her power to send one hundred vessels of war to 20,308,211 sea; but she could not get them out of her ports 18,266,466 for the superiority of the British navy; and yet 1,194,275 shall we talk of building a navy sufficient to meet the British? It was his opinion, that the best 2,469,258 way of protecting our commerce was to get possession of the British Provinces and keep them. But gentlemen say, that without a navy we shall never be able to make peace with England; why, then, said he, we will fight them to eternity. And he hoped gentlemen who are so very anxious for a navy, would permit him, and others, who do not think it either necessary or expedient, to en5,340,117 joy their own opinions without censure. 45,294,043 The goods, wares, and merchandise of foreign growth or manufacture, were exported to the following countries, viz: To the dominions of Russia, Prussia, To the dominions of Great Britain I have the honor to be, &c. 1,624,220 1,573,344 But how would this navy obtain peace for us?' 5,772,572 Had the navy of Denmark availed them anything? 1,712,537 The destruction of that navy ought to caution us how we build our ships for England to take or destroy. Mr. R. never expected to have heard the raggamuffin Government of St. Domingo compared with the Government of the United States. [Mr. CALHOUN denied having made any comOparison between the two Governments.] 16,022,790 ALBERT GALLATIN. The Hon. SPEAKER of the House of Reps. 12th CoN. 1st SESS.-30 Mr. RHEA was glad he had mistaken the gentleman in this respect. As to how we should |
