Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

THE DUTY OF ENGLAND AND THE AMERICAN CRISIS. 61 osophical Quaker, or even an advocate for States seceded because Mr. Lincoln was peace. He is the Kentuckian who, after elected President, an election by which state liberating his own slaves, set himself to rights remained wholly unaffected. Nor, create a free opinion in his state. The at- accepting for the moment Mr. Davis' theory tempt was a dangerous one, but_for once of the sovereignty of the States, do we adthe chivalry found themselves outmatched mit that encroachment on a state right has on their own field. Mr. Clay unhesitatingly even been alleged. The infringement of accepted every challenge, pistolled his way slavery is no infringement of a right. If it to free speech, organized a band of friends be, why do we not restore escaped slaves, to protect his lectures when assailed by force, ask the Marshals to identify the colored and succeeded in rearing a free-soil party, fugitives in Canada, and send back Anderwhich, to this hour, keeps Kentucky, though son to Missouri, and to the stake? The first still a slave state, out of the secession. His principle of our foreign action, for a generlast act was to organize the Clay Guard, ation, has been that slavery is not a right; which saved Washington when first threat- that it cannot be made one by any laws; ened with surprise, and it was hot from the that it is simply an oppression which we are conflict that he reached England and pub- powerless to prevent." Admit that the States lished the sentence so injurious to his cause. are ordinary belligerents, that there is no

Apart altogether from these arguments, question of rebellion, no English interest inwhich, true or false, Englishmen instinct- volved, and still the cause of war is one ively repel, our prestige is involved in our which binds Englishmen of necessity to the sympathy with the North. The power of North. The North, it is said, is by no England in the world is based on opinion means friendly to the slaves, who have in rather than on strength. It is as the un- two instances been restored. That may be swerving friends of orderly freedom that we true, though Governor Andrews has formally secure in every country the support of its rebuked a successful general for interfering noblest minds. We have not struck for on behalf of owners; but what has that to Italy, yet our consistent advocacy of Italian do with the dispute ? The cause of war is freedom has secured us in the peninsula a at all events the extension of slavery, and place which the "strong friend” of Cavour Englishmen, unless utter hypocrites, are as has yet to gain. It is as the "only Eden opposed to the spread of the institution as freedom knows," the “rock on which the to the institution itself. If the North wins, oppressed a refuge finds,” that England slavery, even if it continues to exist, must lives down the jealousy her prosperity in- be restricted to the dominion it has already spires. Already the charge which intercepts acquired, will probably lose Kentucky, and European sympathy from her policy is that certainly forfeit Delaware. If the South is of selfishness. Already it is said we enfran- victorious, slavery will be extended from chised slaves in order to weaken France, Missouri to Panama. Whatever the issue, and embarrass our rivals of the West. How those are the results, and on which side are will that charge, now an absurdity, be justi- Englishmen to stand ? fied if we, in a craven anxiety for cotton, We do not care to argue the question consent to regard planters who rebel in apart from this great issue, though ihere is order to perpetuate slavery, as men who are much to be said even on minor points. contending against wrong? Do " the prin- English democracy, at least, has no special ciples of civil and religious liberty," so ear- reason to support the Cavalier against the nestly pressed on Spain, extend only to Puritan, the careless half-Oriental men of white men and Europeans, or is human free- the South against the thrifty God-fearing dom to be our policy only when convenient industry of the North. But discussion of to customers? It may not be wise or even that kind is too wide of facts to be more right to declare war to redress a wrong, than a literary amusement. though England renounced acquaintance cover it with cotton as we may, is between with King Bomba on half the provocation,- freedom and slavery, right and wrong, the but if England is to retain her position, her dominion of God and the dominion of the sympathy must be with the slave.

Devil, and

the duty of England, we submit, But we shall be told slavery is not the is clear. It is to refuse to recognize the issue. The Confederacy arms to support Confederacy, even if in that mysterious state rights; the Union to maintain the Providence which occasionally confounds Federal claim. It is a political question, faith, slavery should for the moment win not to be decided on moral considerations. the game. We blankly deny the fact. The Confederate

The quarrel,

From The Economist, 1 June. sort of commerce most likely to give offence HOW TO KEEP OUT OF IT.

to the other. We are sure to supply both The more the mercantile community re- North and South with arms, ammunition, flect on the possible consequences to them and military stores of every kind: they can of the civil war in America, the more anx- buy them nowhere else so cheaply; they ious they feel upon the subject. There can hardly buy them anywhere else on a cannot be a doubt or a question but that at sudden and in the quantities which they reany moment very trifling transactions may quire. We need not pause to point out how hurry this country into conflict with one or dangerous such a trade is during such a other of the belligerent parties. Painfully conflict and in the present temper of men's petty transactions have been commonly the minds. cause of the great maritime wars of the What, then, should be the conduct of our world, and in the present case there are Government ? Their first duty, it is cerseveral reasons why petty quarrels are more tain, is one of extreme caution. A civil than usually likely at sea. The war is not, war, especially such a civil war, is not a as is commonly the case, a war between two thing to handle for the pleasure of it—is great nations with two great fleets which not å matter which should be touched, exmonopolize all the fighting, and which are cept after very careful reflection and for a amenable to strict control : it is a conflict very distinct purpose. We must not interbetween the two halves of what was recently vene in so terrible and anxious a confusion, a single state-one of which is wholly with except upon clear reasons of great duty to out a fleet, and both of which intend to rely our own subjects or to others. There are, on privateers as well as on proper ships of unfortunately, many indefinite points of inwar; it is a hand-to-hand battle of indi- ternational law which may lead us into convidual vessels upon the ocean,--and while siderable difficulty ; but, as reasonable men, from the necessity of the case these vessels we should not be anxious to obtain a perfect are exempted from all efficient supervision, code of naval warfare from the busy comthey are manned by the most unscrupulous batants in a rapid revolution. We must seafaring populations in the world, and are wait in the hope that many possible difficullikely to be reinforced by the most accom- ties may never arise, and must deal with plished vagabonds from all parts of the them if they come as best we may. But, earth.

nevertheless, we must not postpone what is Our own position, too, is very peculiar. present. One great difficulty has arrived, We wish to trade with both parties in the and others require prevention. strife, and to stand well with both parties. In the first place, the cruisers of the North But in the present state of reciprocal infu- may search our ships for Southern goods, riation our very neutrality is a sort of cen- and may then and there seize those goods. sure upon a kind of aggravation to both. The South have abandoned this right, unEach of them claims, though upon very asked, and without any solicitation or nego. different grounds, the moral support of Eng- tiation of ours; but the North adheres to the lish public opinion ; but that public opinion old rule which we explained at length last is suspended, and will not pronounce a dis- week: they take the enemies' goods whentinct decision in favor of either, because it ever they can find them in English vessels. discerns grievous sins and errors in the con- They have by special treaties abandoned this duct of both, and because it sees a low right as respects several other countries, but combativeness and a shameful bloodthirsti- in our case it remains in full force. Our poness both at the North and at the South. sition, therefore, is this: the cargoes of our While our judgment is thus balanced, we ships may be seized by the privateers and must expect the usual fate of considerate cruisers of one of the belligerents, although partiality,—we must expect to be hated by that belligerent does not pretend to seize the greater part of both sides. We must similar cargoes in the vessels of other nareckon on having to do with privateers from tions, and the other belligerents would not North and South, subject to no effectual seize them in any. We say advisedly that control, and almost sure to be very wrath such a state of things must not continue. against us, and very likely to indulge in English ships must be put on the same footoutrages which their respective governments ing as other ships by the Northern States of do not approve but cannot prevent. America as well as by the Southern. As

Moreover, though we are as a nation neu- the treaties of the United States with varitral, and bound by principle and inclination ous other nations recognize the rule that to strict impartiality ; yet individuals among neutral ships make neutral goods as “ absous are likely, we may say are sure, to en- lute and immutable,” it is no hardship to gage with each of the combatants in the ask them to adhere to it in our case ; and we may have war to-morrow if English ships / not—which will be seized as contraband of are searched for every possible article that war and which will be permitted to pass free. may perchance belong to the Confederate on these points our Government have not to States, while side by side the ships of other negotiate, but to inquire. They have only nations are passing forward unchallenged to ask questions which are necessary to the and unsearched.

safety of a very valuable part of our trade, Secondly, it is most necessary that our and this we do not doubt they will do. traders should know what ports are only The subject before us is not a light one. blockaded, and what articles are contraband A war with either of the belligerents would of war and what are not. This is a far be a terrible calamity, but a war between easier subject for a Government to deal with England and the Northern States of America than the preceding. They have merely to would be the most affecting misfortune which ask that the belligerents will make known could happen to civilization. The single their own decisions to those whom they affect good hope of the present painful instant is on occasions when it is their interest to make that the North may rise into a great, a free, them known. It is the interest of the bel- and a noble community, free from the taint ligerent who establishes a blockade that it of slavery, and able to take that moral place should be effectual, and it cannot really be in the world which the United States ought so unless it is adequately made known to all to have taken, but which they have long traders who are likely innocently to violate ceased to take. If England should be unit. Again, it is the interest of each party to fortunately hurried into a collision with this the conflict that the other should not obtain people at the crisis of their history, the rethe weapons of war-the means of carrying sults must be awful to them, to us, and to on the strife~from England : it is therefore the world; and yet, while ships are subject the interest of both parties to inform all to peculiar and great disadvantages, such an Englishmen what kind of goods are to be event is by no means unlikely. considered weapons of war and which are

Suggestions for the Explorations of Iceland : an those invalids who may hereafter be compelled

Address delivered to the Members of the Al- to follow his example. His report on the clipine Club on April 4, 1861, by William Long. mate of the country is, on the whole, decidedly man, Vice-President. London: Printed by favorable; and he thinks that it is likely to be the Alpine Club.

of great service in the less advanced stages of

pulmonary disease. Besides a series of meteoroIn this lecture Mr. Longman endeavors to logical tables, constructed from his own observaimpress upon the society to which he belongs tions, he gives a quantity of detailed instructhe importance of directing some part of their tions respecting the management of a vorage up corporate attention to the exploration of Iceland. the Nile, which are likely to be of considerable The information which he conveys is derived al- practical use to any one who wishes to undermost entirely from the work of Henderson, the take the journey. missionary, who, though it is fifty years since he was there, explored the island far more completely than has been done by any subsequent

The SECESSION CONSPIRACY. · Edward traveller. Mr. Longman has taken great pains Everett, in a private letter, recently published, to ascertain the best manner of undertaking the declares his knowledge of the fact that for expedition ; and we hope that he may succeed thirty years leading Southern politicians had in enlisting some of his colleagues in favor of the been resolved to break up the Union, and that enterprise which he has so much at heart. the slavery question was but a pretext for

keeping up agitation and holding the South

together. The New York World is informed, Meteorological and Medical Observations on the Cli- from a trustworthy source, that one of the latest mate of Egypt. By Donald Dalrymple, M.1). occupations of the now deceased Senator DougLondon: Churchill.

las, was the partial preparation of a pamphlet

cxposing, from a personal knowledge similar to Dr. DalrymPLE, having recently returned that from which Mr. Everett speaks, the secret from an expedition to Egypt in search of health, machinations and public plans of this great wishes to impart the results of his experience to Southern conspiracy.--Boston Journal.

sue.

sue.

wish you:

tissue.

ODE TO THE NORTH AND SOUTH. You actor, accustomed to tipple o' nights, O JONATHAN and Jefferson,

If pedantic spectators take umbrage and hiss Come listen to my song ;

you, I can't decide, my word upon,

Come down, with a satisfied grin, to the lights, Which of you is most wrong.

And say, you've prevented destruction of tisI do declare I am afraid To say which worse behaves,

Diner-out, if you don't take the hint, you're an The North, imposing bonds on trade,

ass; Or South, that man enslaves.

When you sit by a matron with elegant fichu, And here you are about to fight,

Don't ask her to let you replenish her glass, And wage intestine war,

But beg she'll prevent the destruction of tisNot neither of you in the right: What simpletons you are !

O Daniel in judgment, for teaching that word, Too late your madness you will see,

You cannot conceive what good fortune we And when your passion cools, “Snakes !” you will bellow, “How could we Punch fills up a bumper, the downy old bird, Have been such 'tarnal fools ! ”

And prevents, in your honor, destruction of

-Punch. One thing is certain; that if you

Blow out each other's brains, 'Twill be apparent what a few

THE SALMON'S REMONSTRANCE. Each blockhead's skull contains,

“Hech! the Consairvation o'sawmon!” You'll have just nothing for your cost,

Quoth a twenty-pound Tweed King of To show, when all is done,

Fishes, Greatness and glory you'll have lost;

“Ye'll alloo me to use the word 'gawmon,' And not a dollar won.

O' a' sic consairvative wishes ! Oh, joined to us by blood, and by

“Great your care to presairve us appears The bond of kindred speech,

From leaps and from traps and from poach. And further, by the special tie

ers, Of slang, bound cach to each,

From stake-nets and bag-nets and weirs,
All-fired gonies, softhorned pair,

And a' sic illecit encroachers.
Each other will you lick ?
You everlastin' dolts, forbear !

“Itsel' yon Commission delivers Throw down your arms right slick.

In language wi' eloquence burnin',

On the fu' fish that's kept frae the rivers, You'll chaw each other up, you two,

And the spent fish that's killed in returnin'. Like those Kilkenny cats, When they had better things to do,

“On gaff'd grilse, and poached pell, and lost Improvin' off the rats.

roe, Now comc, shake hands, together jog

The sair sair assaults they describe, On friendly yet once more;

For the whole genus saw mo they show Whip one another not: and flog

A love that just teckles tho tribe. Creation, as before !

“ Till there's some o' our ten-pounder wishin, -Punch, 25 May. (It's an outbreak of young sawmon vanity,)

An address to present the Commission,

O'thanks, for their philo-sawmonity.
DESTRUCTION OF TISSUE.

"To my mind siccan love's no that common; “We might allege, in answer to the tee- And I'm aiblins a wee bit suspicious totaller, that the drinking of wine and spirits is

That they'd think gayan little o' sawmon, beneficial, inasmuch as it tends to prevent the

If we were na sae gude when ye dish us: destruction of tissue."-Saturday Review.

“Gin they'd just pit their buiks on the shelves, Ou, thanks, dear Review, for that comforting Their Coinmissions Reports, and sic clavcreed,

ersFor joining with temperance Humbug the is- And leare us puir fesh to oor-selves, sue,

We'd ask for nae lawmakers' favors. In Johnson and Webster in future we'll read,

“We're mickle obleeged for your care; For “ drinking "_"preventing destruction of tissue.”

But we'd no wish sic love to abound,

As that which its aim maun declare Mrs. Brown, when your husband comes late To be sawmon at four-pence the pound !

from the club, Don't push him away as he offers to kiss

“Deil a thanks we owe ye for your pains

To consairve us and gar us to breed, you, His step may be totty, but spare him the snub,

That looks but to polish our banes, He's been only preventing destruction of tis

And mak souché o' us and oor seed." sue.

-Punch.

[graphic]

No. 893.—13 July, 1861.

CONTENTS.

POETRY.—Ein Feste Burg, 66. Napoleon at St. Helena, 66. Hades, 113. Weather

Last Week, 114. The Bones of Washington, 125. Severed, 128. Look on the Bright

Side, 128. Pontiff and Prince, 128.

Mr. Putnam continues to issue weekly “ The Great Rebellion.” We have No. 7.

« ZurückWeiter »